THE DUTERTE administration’s policies that framed activism and dissent as security concerns created a climate of fear that prodded the Filipino youth to shift toward safer forms of political engagement, according to an Artlets undergraduate thesis.
The study titled “Examining the effects of Duterte’s securitization of the youth on youth political participation and attitudes” by Political Science graduates Andre Vhon Que and Caryle Angela Limbasan suggested that fear of state repression under Duterte drove the Filipino youth to become more politically aware and engaged.
The research indicated that repression often motivated 47.27% or 182 of 385 respondents to participate in politics. Meanwhile, 39.48% or 152 of them said fear often influenced their political participation. The researchers surveyed Metro Manila residents aged 20 to 26.
“It definitely not only discouraged, but it did quell youth political participation. And on [the other] end, that fear also culminated into a form of… political awakening, or the gaining of political consciousness, or as one of our research participants termed it, is being mulat (aware),” Limbasan told The Flame.
The mixed-method study bagged the best thesis award in the Political Science program during the UST Faculty of Arts and Letters Solemn Investiture last month.
The thesis’ findings suggested that the youth’s fear of repression and violence during the Duterte administration was associated with the former president’s speech act and policies, with 47.53% of them, or 183 individuals, claiming that it often affected their political participation.
The study also showed that the fear of being red-baited, popularly known in the Philippines as “red-tagged,” was cited as one of the reasons that discouraged the respondents from engaging in political movements. The view was expressed by 226 respondents who reported that Duterte’s policies or actions had targeted their participation.
Respondents cited the Anti-Terrorism Act and Executive Order No. 70 as the policies most associated with red-baiting. The linking of the youth to communist rebels subjects them to suspicion and profiling, making them vulnerable to becoming victims of repression, the study said.
The Anti-Terrorism Act, which sparked controversy in 2020 because of its broad description of “terrorism” that some groups fear would be used to target critics and limit dissent, was seen by 87 respondents as the top policy that targeted youth participation.
Meanwhile, 22 of the surveyed individuals viewed Executive Order No. 70, which formed the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict, as the third government policy linked to the enabling of widespread red-baiting.
While red-baiting was the second most cited “securitizing” policy by the respondents, it is not considered a formal or institutional government policy, although it was significantly associated with the two policies.
Que said these policies were seen to be violating values that were important to the Filipino youth, such as extrajudicial killings and repression of free speech, prompting them to increase mobilization and political participation.
In March, Duterte was arrested on an International Criminal Court (ICC) warrant for alleged crimes against humanity. While his war on drugs primarily targeted narcotics-related crime, the study suggested that the former president’s speeches and enforcement of the policy instilled fear among politically active youth.
Duterte has been dubbed a “populist” leader with an aggressive outlook on eradicating crime. He is being held in custody at the ICC detention facility in The Hague, Netherlands and is set to undergo trial in September.
Securitizing policies
The “securitizing” acts in the previous administration were found to address not only security issues concerning crime and terrorism, but also “subjective threats” that affect perception on human rights and legal processes, according to the study.
In their analysis of the security threats mentioned in the former president’s State of the Nation Addresses and policy statements, Que and Limbasan found that Duterte used “securitization” in his speech and policies by framing security issues like crime and terrorism, as unsolvable by due process to justify the implementation of extrajudicial measures.
“Duterte frames legal measures [as] inefficient and an impediment to his concept of justice. It is perceived to be an unnecessary bureaucratic obstacle. But, Duterte also redefines human rights according to his idea of development and rights, rights which prioritize [the] safety of people regardless of how it is achieved,” Que said.
The study also suggested that because of the framing of due process as “insufficient” to resolve the perceived threats during the Duterte administration, the effectiveness of state “securitization” increased while the power of critics became limited.
The study also found 58.7% or 226 out of 385 respondents believing that the government policies or actions under Duterte specifically targeted youth political participation, while 41.3% or 159 of them did not.
“They (policies) seek to address very much real social and security issues in our society and the youth do recognize that. But because of the way they’re implemented, how they’re executed, that’s when the consequences on youth political participation come into play,” Limbasan said.
Self-regulation
The fear of repression also prompted the youth to undergo “self-regulation,” to constrain their participation in mobilizations and develop new means to exercise political expression.
The study described this response as a “paradoxical effect” of fear, where repression deterred some youth but also prompted others to become more politically conscious.
“From the data collected, what happened is [that] Duterte’s perceived extreme policies backfire as he is perceived to be violating norms which are important to Filipino citizens… Thus, the blatant disrespect to these values demanded [the] youth mobilize and participate more politically,” Que said.
Experiences of surveillance, harassment, and profiling by the respondents who are politically active created a climate of fear that limited their participation.
According to the study, the “chilling effect” of Duterte’s policies had discouraged the youth from exercising their political rights, as participating in activities was portrayed to have concrete consequences.
Safer alternatives
Offline political participation, such as activism and community initiatives, was less frequent and was seen to be less safe than online engagement, as the youth avoided visible political actions for fear of retaliation or surveillance.
Based on the study’s interpretation scale, both online and offline participation fell within the high range of 2.51 to 3.25, indicating that the youth remained politically engaged during the Duterte administration. However, the study categorized offline participation as relatively low due to its infrequent and cautious nature.
It showed that Duterte’s policies highly affected the youth’s willingness to participate in offline political activities, suggesting a deterrent with a stronger effect compared to that of online engagement.
Que said that online participation, such as engaging in online petitions, politically-motivated social media posts, and online strikes, was more predominant, given its consistency across responses and perceived safety in the face of political repression.
The study likewise indicated that digital forms of activism allowed young people to sustain their political engagement while minimizing the risk of direct confrontation with authorities.
Limbasan said that interviewees opted for more subtle and creative methods, such as film screenings, to avoid being policed or attracting unwanted state attention. She added that more combative and direct forms of engagement were often discouraged by peers and family members for fear of retaliation, pushing the youth to reinvent their political involvement.
However, the study suggested that while online political engagement offered security, it was not enough to maximize political participation.
“Online political engagement is highly insufficient on its own, as our study finds. So traditional means of participating, such as heavily emphasized young grassroots movements or grassroots participation, community emergence, public education, young grassroots mobilization, and of course voting, remain extremely critical and must be utilized alongside online tools in order for us, the youth, to really maximize our political agency and our means of participating,” Limbasan said.
According to Limbasan, the findings of the study on youth’s reinvention and adaptability in their political participation would affect how they respond to the issues of the present and future administrations.
“[T]his is applicable to this administration and future administrations that despite the challenges or whatever the political landscape might be at the time, whatever issues might be persistent and confronting the youth, it is still very critical to maximize and exhaust all means of participation both online and offline,” she added.
Que and Limbasan said they have yet to submit their thesis to an academic journal. F – Nicole Anne Bautista and Sheridan Joy Delfino
